I am an Australian
person of Chinese/Taiwanese ancestry living in Belgium. When I saw the French film, “Qu'est-ce
qu'on a fait au Bon Dieu?” I was surprised to learn that the French perceive the Chinese as hiding their emotions. This is because I
had always thought that Chinese levels of expressiveness were normal, and that
it is Westerners who exaggerate their emotions.
Research suggests that differences in the emotional expressivity of Westerners and East Asians may be due to the fact that western culture is more individualistic, whereas East Asian culture is more collectivist. People in individualistic cultures tend to define themselves in terms of their internal attributes such as goals, attitudes, and preferences, aspects that differentiate them from others. Such cultures promote the idea that people are independent, which encourages them to express themselves and to influence others (i.e., change their environment to be compatible with their own beliefs and desires). In contrast, those in collectivist cultures tend to define themselves in terms of their relationships and group memberships. Such cultures endorse the idea that people are interdependent, making them motivated to fit in with their group and maintain social harmony. As such, a collectivist culture teaches people to suppress their own beliefs and desires in order to adjust to others (i.e., change their own beliefs and desires to conform to their environment).
Because
people in collectivist cultures are concerned with social harmony, they are
less likely to express negative emotions in the presence of others. For
example, in a study by Ekman (1972) American and Japanese participants were
made to watch films of bodily mutilation in front of an experimenter, the
Americans opening showed their distress, whereas the Japanese participants
smiled. However, contrary to idea that Japanese people are simply more
psychopathic, the Japanese participants exhibited similar levels of distress as
the American participants when the experimenter left the room, suggesting that
they had been smiling to mask their negative emotions. This is consistent with
descriptions from Chinese novels of characters smiling to hide their distress,
anger, or embarrassment.
Displays of strong positive emotions are also avoided by
people in collectivist cultures, as this doing so helps to maintain social
harmony by minimising potential negative feelings from others, such as
insecurity and envy. Exhibiting high-arousal positive emotions (such as
excitement and enthusiasm) is more favoured in North American than of East
Asian cultures, and is consistent with the individualistic value of wanting to
influence others. By contrast, because people from collectivist cultures aim to
adjust to others, they are more likely to withhold action and attend to others,
both of which involve low arousal states. This contrast in emotional arousal is
illustrated in a scene from the sitcom “Fresh off the Boat”, which depicts the
experiences of a Taiwanese family in the US. Upon visiting a hypermarket
bearing the slogan “Food for all!!!”, the Taiwanese mother wonders aloud “What
is this grocery store so excited about?”
Even bestselling
children’s storybooks in the US contain more exciting and less calm content (in
terms of smiles and activities) than their counterparts in Taiwan. In a
fascinating study by Tsai and colleagues (2007), preschoolers from European
American, Asian American, and Taiwanese Chinese backgrounds are randomly
assigned to read either the stories with exciting content or stories with calm
content. Regardless of their cultural background, the children who read the
stories with exciting content were more likely to value excitement, whereas
those who read the stories with calm content were more likely to value calm
states. This suggests that there is a strong social component to people’s (or
at least children’s) ideal affective states.
These differing values
and ideals mean that happiness in these cultures is based on different dimensions.
For example, while European Americans
and Hong Kong Chinese both base their life satisfaction on their self-esteem and
relationship harmony, European Americans base it more on self-esteem than
relationship harmony, whereas Hong Kong Chinese based it equally on both. Having
two equally important bases of life satisfaction rather than one that is more
dominant may serve as a buffer against mood disorders. Indeed, collectivist
societies tend to have lower levels of reported depression and anxiety than
individualistic societies, although it may also be that depression is more
widely identified in individualistic societies.
However, despite their
lower rates of mood disorders, people in collectivist countries are genetically
more predisposed to depression and anxiety. That is, they are more likely to
carry the short allele version of the serotonin transporter gene that is
associated with depression. Because people in collectivist cultures are less
likely to exhibit depression even though they are genetically more vulnerable
to it, Chiao and Blizinsky (2009) suggest that collectivism may have developed
as a way to protect against depression and anxiety in these societies. As such,
it is ironic that the emotional style developed by collectivist cultures to
maintain social harmony is interpreted by individualistic cultures as a form of
social distance.
References
Chiao, J. Y., &
Blizinsky, K. D. (2010). Culture–gene coevolution of individualism–collectivism
and the serotonin transporter gene. Proceedings of the Royal Society of
London B: Biological Sciences, 277(1681), 529-537.
Ekman, P.
(1972). Universals and cultural differences in facial expressions of emotion.
In]. Cole (Ed.), Nebraska symposium of motivation, 197 ! (Vol. 19) (pp.
207-283). Lincoln: University of Nebraska, Press.
Kwan,
Bond, & Singelis, 1997. Kwan, V., Bond, M., & Singelis, T. (1997).
Pancultural explanations for life satisfaction: adding relationship harmony to
self-esteem.
Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 73(5), 1038-1051.
Matsumoto, D. (1991). Cultural
influences on facial expressions of emotion. Southern Journal of
Communication, 56(2), 128-137.
Oishi,
Diener, Lucas, & Suh, 1999. Oishi, S., Diener, E. F., Lucas, R. E., & Suh,
E. M. (1999). Cross-cultural
variations in predictors of life satisfaction: Perspectives from needs and
values. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 25(8), 980-990.
Tsai, J.
L., Louie, J., Chen, E. E., & Uchida, Y. (2007). Learning what feelings to desire: Socialization
of ideal affect through children’s storybooks. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 33, 17 - 30.
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